Teej to be celebrated today

Importance Of Teej

Teej is the fasting festival for women. Through this religious fasting, hindu women pray for marital bliss, wellbeing of their spouse and children and purification of their own body and soul. It takes place on Tritiya of Bhadra

According to the holy books, the Goddess Parbati fasted and prayed fervently for the great Lord Shiva to become her spouse. Touched by her devotion, he took her for his wife. Goddess Parbati, in gratitude sent her emissary to preach and disseminate this religious fasting among mortal women, promising prosperity and longevity with their family.

Women clad in beautiful red saris with shining potes (glass beads), singing and dancing is the sight almost everywhere in Nepal during the festival of Teej. On this day women observe a fast and pray Lord Shiva for the long, healthy and prosperous life of their husbands and their families.

The unmarried women also observe this festival with unabated zeal with the hope that they will get to marry good husbands. From early dawn, women queue up in the multiple lines in Pashupatinath to offer their prayers to Lord Shiva.

THE TREATY OF SUGAULEE

TEXT OF THE TREATY OF SUGAULEE, 2ND DECEMBER 1815 BETWEEN EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE COUNTRY OF NEPAL

TREATY of PEACE between the HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND MAHA RAJAH BIRKRAM SAH, Rajah of Nipal, settled between LIEUTENANT – COLONEL BRADSHAW on the part of the HONOURABLE COMPANY, in virtue of the full powers vested in him by HIS EXCELLENCY the RIGHT HONOURABLE FRANCIS, EARL of MOIRA, KINGHT of the MOST NOBLE ORDER of the GARTER, one of HIS MAJESTY’s MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL, appointed by the Court of Directors of the said Honourable Company to direct and control all the affairs in the East Indies, and by SREE GOOROOGUJRAJ MISSER and CHUNDER SEEKUR OPEDEEA on the part of MAHA RAJAH GIRMAUN JODE BIKRAM SAHBAHAUDER, SHUMSHEER JUNG, in virtue of the powers to that effect vested in them by the said Rajah of Nipal, 2nd December 1815 .

Whereas war has arisen between the Honourable East India Company and the Rajah of Nipal, and whereas the parties are mutually disposed to restore the relations of peace and amity which, previously to the occurrence of the late differences, had long subsisted between the two States, the following terms of peace have been agreed upon:

ARTICLE I

There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the Honourable East India Company and the Rajah of Nipal.

ARTICLE II

The Rajah of Nipal renounces all claim to the lands which were the subject of discussion between the two States before the war, and acknowledges the right of the Honourable Company to the sovereignty of those lands.

ARTICLE III

The Rajah of Nipal hereby cedes to the Honourable the East India Company in perpetuity all the under-mentioned territories, viz-

First: – The whole of the low lands between the Rivers Kali and Rapti.

Secondly: – The whole of the low lands (with the exception of Bootwul Khass) lying between the Rapti and the Gunduck.

Third: The whole of the low lands between the Gunduck and Coosah, in which the authority of the British Government has been introduced, or is in actual course of introduction.

Fourth: All the low lands between the Rivers Mitchee and the Teestah.

Fifth: All the territories within the hills eastward of the River Mitchee including the fort and lands of Nagree and the Pass of Nagarcote leading from Morung into the hills, together with the territory lying between that pass and nagerr. The aforesaid territory shall be evacuated by the Gurkha troops within forty days form this date.

ARTICLE IV

With a view to indemnify the Chiefs and Barahdars of the State of Nipal, whose interests will suffer by the alienation of the lands ceded by the foregoing Article, the British Government agrees to settle pensions to the aggregate amount of two lakhs of rupees per annum on such Chiefs as may be selected by the Rajah of Nipal, and in the proportions which the Rajah may fix. As soon as the selection is made, Sunnuds shall be granted under the seal and signature of the Governor General for the pensions respectively.

ARTICLE V

The Rajah of Nipal renounces for himself, his heirs, and successors, all claim to or connextion with the countries lying to the west of the River Kali and engages never to have any concern with those countries or the inhabitants there of.

ARTICLE VI

The Rajah of Nipal engages never to molest to disturb the Rajah of Sikkim in the possession of his territories; but agrees, if any difference shall arise between the State of Nipal and the Rajah of Sikkim, or the subjects of either, that such differences shall be referred to the arbitration of the British Government by which award the Rajah of Nipal engages to abide.

ARTICLE VII

The Rajah of Nipal hereby engages never to take of retain in his service any British subject, nor the subject of any European or American State, without the consent of the British Government.

ARTICLE VIII

In order to secure and improve the relations of amity and peace hereby established between the two States, it is agreed that accredited Ministers from each shall reside at the Court of the other.

ARTICLE IX

This treaty, consisting of nine Articles, shall be ratified by the Rajah of Nipal within fifteen days from this date, and the ratification shall be delivered to Lieutenant- Colonel Bradshaw, who engages to obtain and deliver the ratification of the Governor- General within twenty days, or sooner, if practicable.

Done at Segowlee, on the 2nd day of December 1815.

PARIS BRADSHAW, Lt. Col., P.A.

Received this treaty from Chunder Seekur Opedeea, Agent on the part of the Rajah Nipal, in the valley of Muckwaunpoor, at half-past two o’clock p.m. on the 4th of March 1816, and delivered to him the Counterpart Treaty on behalf of the British Government.

D.D. OCHTERLONY,

Agent, Governor—General.

Unarmed, he saved a bus full of passengers

Jawan Min Bhadur Thapa, a Kargil war veteran, single-handedly took on a group of armed robbers; but was paralysed in the attack

By:-Vinod Kumar Menon

For Min Bhadur Thapa, a jawan from the 4/3 Gurkha Regiment, the bad guy has to be defeated anywhere, be it at Kargil or on a bus, and with equal passion.

It was his soldier’s spirit that made him single-handedly take on a group of armed robbers on a bus at the Indo-Nepal border and save his fellow passengers. Unfortunately, the encounter left the braveheart paralysed for life.

“I would have been happy to die fighting enemies during the Kargil war but fate had something else in store for me,” regretted Thapa, sitting in his wheelchair at the Army rehabilitation centre at Kadki, Pune. “It’s so unfortunate that I was shot by my fellow countrymen,” the 32-year-old soldier said.

Willing his way: Despite his handicap, Min Bhadur Thapa leads an active life and works at the Military Rehabilitation Centre in Pune

The tragedy

In January 2004 Thapa was on leave, visiting his hometown in Nepal. On January 29, the same year, while on his way back to join his regiment, he boarded a bus to Lucknow from Bahraich in Uttar Pradesh near the Indo-Nepal border. It was around 9 pm.

The bus was nearing Ramnagar, about 35 km away, when six passengers forced the driver at knifepoint to halt at a deserted spot. The men, in their early twenties, started threatening people to give up all their valuables. “I was sitting just behind the driver’s seat and they hit my right hand with a knife. I was not in my uniform and requested them not to misbehave. I tried to control myself. But they started punching me. I decided to fight back, hoping the other passengers would help me. But I was wrong,” Thapa said.

According to Thapa, he managed to overpower three robbers and pushed them out of the bus. Then one of the robbers nabbed a 15-year-old boy and was about to stab him, when Thapa jumped in to save the boy and succeeded. But the knife slashed his palm.

Meanwhile, another robber fired a round from his country-made revolver, injuring Thapa’s spinal chord. “I could feel the pain and knew I was bleeding. I was struggling to get up but the lower part of my body had become numb. I could not move,” said Thapa.

The robbers fled the scene, leaving behind the booty in the bus. “Unfortunately, none of the passengers came to my rescue. It was only when the robbers fled that the bus driver and the conductor approached me and I disclosed my identity.”

The driver took Thapa to the Ramnagar police station and the local police shifted him to a hospital, from where he was taken to the military hospital in Kirkee, Pune.

Thapa underwent numerous surgeries and was in the hospital for over two years but the doctors could not dislodge the bullet from his body.

Though today Thapa leads an active life despite his injuries, he regrets that none of the 32 passengers in the bus dared to help. “I am dejected,” he said.

The future

Since his handicap was permanent, Thapa retired from the Army in June 2006. Today, he stays at the Military Rehabilitation Centre in Pune with his wife Geeta and two daughters Roshini, 8, and Raveena, 6. He is employed at the Centre, along with 70 other soldiers and officers who were injured in accidents. “I am happy the Army has helped me. I get a monthly pension of Rs 9,000,” he said.

Family of soldiers

Thapa hails from Surkhet district in Nepal and is the eldest among four siblings. His father Maan Bahadur Thapa too was a hawaldar in the Indian Army. And after his schooling, as per his father’s advice Thapa decided to join the Indian Army. On February 1, 1996, at the age of 17, Thapa’s dream came true and he joined the 39 Gurkha Training Centre in Benaras.

Kargil highs

In September 1998, Thapa was transferred to Almora in Uttar Pradesh and later in May 1999, when the Kargil war began, he was moved to Kargil. The war claimed the lives of seven jawans and injured 17 others from his regiment.

“We were honoured to have been asked to march to war. It was the happiest moment of our lives,” said Thapa, who served at Kargil for two months.

Reward
Thapa says the local police and his regiment appreciated his bravery. The local police gave him a cash reward of Rs 1,000 and his regiment gave him a wheelchair and has taken care of all his needs.

Source:- MiD-DAY

Hepatitis B Vaccine Administered to Students of Gorkha High School Aizawl

Photo Feature Of Vaccination Camp At Gorkha High School Aizawl,Mizoram:-

Students of Gorkha High School being vaccinated under the watchful eyes of school teachers and staffs on 31st July 2009.Pic:Ramesh Khati

Students of Gorkha High School being vaccinated under the watchful eyes of school teachers and staffs on 31st July 2009,at the back more students waiting their turn.Pic:Ramesh Khati

Lets Try To Understand Facts And Myths About Hepatitis B

What is hepatitis B?

Hepatitis B is a liver disease. Hepatitis * means inflammation of the liver. Inflammation is the painful, red swelling that results when tissues of the body become injured or infected. Inflammation can cause organs to not work properly.

What is the liver?

The liver is an organ that does many important things.

Hepatitis B is a liver disease.

Hepatitis B is a liver disease.

The liver

-removes harmful chemicals from your blood

-fights infection

-helps digest food

-stores nutrients and vitamins

-stores energy

You cannot live without a liver.

What causes hepatitis B?

The hepatitis B virus causes hepatitis B. Viruses are germs that can cause sickness. For example, the flu is caused by a virus. People can pass viruses to each other.

Who gets hepatitis B?

Anyone can get hepatitis B, but some people are at higher risk, including people who were born to a mother with hepatitis B people who live with someone who has hepatitis B people who have lived in parts of the world where hepatitis B is common people who are exposed to blood or body fluids at work people on hemodialysis

people who have had more than one sex partner in the last 6 months or have a history of sexually transmitted disease

injection drug users men who have sex with men

How could I get hepatitis B?

You could get hepatitis B through contact with an infected person’s blood, semen, or other body fluid.

You could get hepatitis B from:-

-being born to a mother with hepatitis B

-having sex with an infected person

-being tattooed or pierced with unsterilized tools that were used on an infected person

-getting an accidental needle stick with a needle that was used on an infected person

-using an infected person’s razor or toothbrush

-sharing drug needles with an infected person

You could get hepatitis B from having sex with an infected person.

You cannot get hepatitis B from:-

-shaking hands with an infected person

-hugging an infected person

-sitting next to an infected person

What are the symptoms of hepatitis B?

Hepatitis B usually has no symptoms. Adults and children ages 5 and older sometimes have one or more of the following symptoms:

-yellowish eyes and skin, called jaundice

-a longer than usual amount of time for bleeding to stop

-swollen stomach or ankles

-easy bruising

-tiredness

-upset stomach

-fever

-loss of appetite

-diarrhea

-light-colored stools

-dark yellow urine

What is chronic hepatitis B?

Hepatitis B is chronic when the body can’t get rid of the hepatitis B virus. Children, especially infants, are more likely to get chronic hepatitis B, which usually has no symptoms until signs of liver damage appear. Without treatment, chronic hepatitis B can cause scarring of the liver, called cirrhosis; liver cancer; and liver failure.

Symptoms of cirrhosis include

-yellowish eyes and skin, called jaundice

-a longer than usual amount of time for bleeding to stop

-swollen stomach or ankles

-tiredness

-nausea

-weakness

-loss of appetite

-weight loss

-spiderlike blood vessels, called spider angiomas, that develop on the skin

How is hepatitis B diagnosed?

Hepatitis B is diagnosed through blood tests, which can also show if you have chronic hepatitis B or another type of hepatitis.

Your doctor may suggest getting a liver biopsy if chronic hepatitis B is suspected. A liver biopsy is a test for liver damage. The doctor uses a needle to remove a tiny piece of liver, which is then looked at with a microscope.

Blood is drawn for hepatitis B testing.

How is hepatitis B treated?

Hepatitis B usually is not treated unless it becomes chronic.

Chronic hepatitis B is treated with drugs that slow or stop the virus from damaging the liver. The length of treatment varies. Your doctor will help you decide which drug or drug combination is likely to work for you and will closely watch your symptoms to make sure treatment is working.

Drugs given by shots include

-interferon

-peginterferon

Drugs taken by mouth include

-lamivudine

-telbivudine

-adefovir

-entecavir

Liver Transplantation

A liver transplant may be necessary if chronic hepatitis B causes liver failure. Liver transplantation surgery replaces a failed liver with a healthy one from a donor. Medicines taken after surgery can prevent hepatitis B from coming back.

How can I avoid getting hepatitis B?

You can avoid getting hepatitis B by getting the hepatitis B vaccine.

Vaccines are medicines that keep you from getting sick. Vaccines teach your body to attack specific germs. The hepatitis B vaccine teaches your body to attack the hepatitis B virus.

The hepatitis B vaccine protects you from infection.

Adults at higher risk of getting hepatitis B and all children should get the vaccine. The hepatitis B vaccine is given through three shots over a period of several months. There is no minimum age for vaccination. The second shot should be given at least 1 month after the first, and the last shot should be given at least 2 months after the second shot but no sooner than 4 months after the first. The hepatitis B vaccine is safe for pregnant women.

You need all three shots to be fully protected. If you are traveling to a country where hepatitis B is common, try to get all the shots before you go. If you don’t have time to get all the shots before you go, get as many as you can. One shot may provide some protection against the virus.

You can also protect yourself and others from hepatitis B if you:-

-use a condom during sex

-do not share drug needles

-wear gloves if you have to touch another person’s blood

-do not borrow another person’s toothbrush, razor, or anything else that could have blood on it

-make sure any tattoos or body piercings you get are done with sterile tools

-do not donate blood or blood products if you have hepatitis B

Wear gloves if you have to touch another person’s blood.

What should I do if I think I have been exposed to the hepatitis B virus?

See your doctor right away if you think you have been exposed to the hepatitis B virus. The first shot of the hepatitis B vaccine taken with a medicine called hepatitis B immune globulin may prevent you from getting sick.

If you are at higher risk of hepatitis B, get tested. Many people do not know they are infected. Early diagnosis and treatment can help prevent liver damage.

Points to Remember

-Hepatitis B is a liver disease caused by the hepatitis B virus.

-Anyone can get hepatitis B, but some people are at higher risk.

-You could get hepatitis B through contact with an infected person’s blood, semen, or other body fluid.

-Hepatitis B usually has no symptoms.

-Adults and children ages 5 and older sometimes have jaundice or other symptoms.

-Hepatitis B usually is not treated unless it becomes chronic.

-Hepatitis B is chronic when the body can’t get rid of the hepatitis B virus.

-Children, especially infants, are more likely to develop chronic hepatitis B.

-Chronic hepatitis B is treated with drugs that slow or stop the virus from damaging the liver.

-You can protect yourself from getting hepatitis B by getting the hepatitis B vaccine.

-See your doctor right away if you think you’ve been exposed to the hepatitis B virus.

-If you are at higher risk of hepatitis B, get tested.

Many people do not know they are infected. Early diagnosis and treatment can help prevent liver damage.

-Article Courtesy:National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK)

Workers on long tea break in Darjeeling

By Andrew Buncombe

Darjeeling’s tea farmers are on strike – the latest step in a campaign for their own state.

Indian tea garden labourers carry tea leaves back to a factory as they walk through The Kiranchandra Tea Garden some 30 Kms from Siliguri

At the Happy Valley estate, where large painted signs boast of providing organic tea to Harrods, it was unnaturally quiet. Usually at this time of year – midway through the second flush, or crop – these steep hillsides of densely planted bushes would be filled with women plucking the leaves and dropping them into woven baskets on their backs.

Instead, they sit inside their small, sheet-metal shacks, idling away the damp afternoon.

Across the Darjeeling hills, life has come to a standstill. An indefinite strike, or “bandh”, called last week by activists demanding a separate state, has closed down schools, roads, businesses, hotels and – crucially – the tea estates. As a result, the day labourers who earn just 53 rupees (66p) a day picking tea to be sold to well-heeled customers in London’s Knightsbridge, are currently getting nothing.

Yet – remarkably, in view of the hardship they are enduring – these workers support the strike and its goals. Most of them are ethnic Gorkhas and believe the creation of Gorkhaland will transform their lives. “Suffering falls on you when you cannot work,” said one tea picker, a 30-year-old woman, bouncing a baby on her knee. “But everything will change if we get Gorkhaland. We will get good jobs, education, everything.”

The demand for a Gorkha state – but one that would remain firmly part of India – is nothing new. Two decades ago these steeply forested valleys, around which the mist can wrap itself for days, were awash with separatist violence and a counter-insurgency operation that killed at least 1,200 people before a ceasefire was brokered. Now, having turned their backs on violence, a Gorkha political party formed two years ago, the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), says it is using tactics pioneered by Mahatma Gandhi to try and secure its goals. The GJM’s green, yellow and white flags can be seen flying from homes and buildings across the hills, or else painted onto walls alongside slogans demanding a homeland.

The agitation for a separate state has both an economic and social basis. Ever since independence, say activists, the Darjeeling region has been overlooked by the West Bengal state government in Kolkata. There are not enough schools, not enough hospitals and insufficient development. Darjeeling, once known as the Queen of the Hills, is now a shabbily-dressed commoner, suffering from broken roads and a crumbling infrastructure. It is a terrible irony that in one of the wettest parts of India there is a severe shortage of water. Every day people use plastic containers to collect water from tankers and broken pipes.

Beyond the economic factors, there is an issue of identity. The Gorkhas, who can be found from Nepal across a swathe of northern India, say they suffer intense discrimination from other Indians.

“Whenever we go anywhere like Delhi or Mumbai, people think we’re foreigners. They think we are from Nepal,” said Anuphang Subha, who owns a business in the town. “If we have Gorkhaland, people will know we are from India.”

The drive for Gorkhaland is being led by Bimal Gurung, a former “hard man” who formed the GJM after falling out with another Gorkha leader who had led the separatist movement for the previous three decades. He is known as a passionate speaker, capable of rousing a crowd.

One morning last week, Mr Gurung spoke in front of hundreds gathered in a large hall at the town’s Gymkhana Club. The Club was built 100 years ago by the British, who established Darjeeling as a summer retreat and tea-producing area in the mid-19th century. The event was to launch the publication of a booklet, Why Gorkhaland?

It was also Mr Gurung’s birthday, and before his speech supporters queued to place silk scarves around his neck – a traditional gesture of respect. Such was the length of the queue that one of Mr Gurung’s aides had to stand behind him removing the scarves to make space for new ones to be placed around his neck.

The GJM leader had previously said he would publicly shoot himself if he failed to achieve a separate state by March 2010. On this morning, however, he asked the audience for patience. That deadline “was my vision. We are technically working towards achieving Gorkhaland within that period,” he said. “However, there would be some delay, or maybe it could be achieved earlier also. Even God can make mistakes. I am just a human being.”

The crowd cheered and clapped. One elegant, grey-haired woman in a green sari, named Moni Mukia, approached to explain why Bimal Gurung was their “saviour”.

“A schoolgirl produced a poster spelling out his first name,” said the enthusiastic wife of a retired tea planter. “B is for brave, I is for intelligent, M is for merciful, A is for aggressive, L is for liberator.”

In an interview, Mr Gurung said the strike was designed to force the politicians in Delhi to take notice. The federal government had agreed to another round of three-way talks with the GJM and officials from West Bengal next month, but he said he wanted quicker action. Asked whether the strike – enforced by GJM supporters who have set up roadblocks across the hills while the police remain inside their buildings – was legal, he responded that “It is beside the point whether it is legal or not legal. We are doing what we need to do.”

Mr Gurung is aware that one of the key levers at his disposal is to put pressure on the region’s 87 tea estates, many owned by wealthy, well-connected individuals based in Kolkata. The estates support almost half of the region’s 1.6 million residents and the dilemma for the GJM is that by preventing day labourers from working the strikes have a severe impact on some of the poorest members of the community.

“I feel both sympathy and anger,” said Ashok Lohia, who owns several estates including the famed Chamong tea gardens. “If you want to work in the area, you have to get on with the local guys. At the same time, you don’t want to lose money” because of the strikes, he said.

Not everyone agrees with the GJM or its tactics. There are whispers and grumbles about the impact on the local economy, about how tourists have been kept away, and about the need to obtain permits from the GJM to travel out of town for such necessities as a hospital visit. Few who live in the town choose to voice these views publicly, and some say that those who speak out are threatened.

“The GJM are not thinking of the public. People are suffering,” said Jeevan Sharma, a photographic shop owner and one of the few in Darjeeling willing to vent his frustration. “But if you speak against them, their people threaten you. I think it’s just a game with the government so that they can demand money.”

However, the GJM does have the backing of one national party. At the general election held earlier this year, rather than putting up its own candidate, the separatists threw their support behind that of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), after it backed their demand for a new state. Its candidate, Jaswant Singh, a former foreign minister with a polished-crystal accent, won by a landslide.

“All the hill people, from the north-east to Jammu and Kashmir, have their own state. Why discriminate against the Gorkhas?” said Mr Singh. “All they are asking for is a say in their own social and political destiny.”

That view appears to be commonly shared among the people of Darjeeling, whether or not they are actively involved in the struggle for Gorkhaland. One evening last week, on the veranda outside the Planters’ Club – another relic of the colonial era, where the pelts of leopards shot long ago still hang from the wall – members sat looking out across the valley.

There was no tea to be had, as the strike had shut down the restaurant and bar. The members recalled how Darjeeling was once famed for its sanatorium, and how the roads were washed so regularly that British “ladies” could walk in their gowns along the town’s famous Mall without fear of dirtying their clothes. These days, the town’s basic hospital struggles to manage, and many of the roads are filthy. “Darjeeling has been in decline since the 1960s. The area has been badly neglected,” said Amargit Dhir, a retired estate manager. “There is no other option but to revolt. This is the start of revolution.”

Courtesy:-The Independent

The Immortal Literateur: Balkrishna Sama & Laxmi Prasad Devkota

Dirgha Raj Prasai

Dirgha Raj Prasai is a former member of parliament in Nepal, former consultant of the administrative staff college of Nepal. He has written many books and articles, and is now a political analyst based in Kathmandu contributing to different newspapers and sites.

Literature and music are property of a nation. Nepalese laureates have significantly contributed to lead the country in creative path. Well known Sanskrit poet Kalidas says “Kavi karoti kabyani, ras jananti pandita” which means poet creates an epic and scholars enjoy it. Literature is mirror of present and future timeline. Music represents the present status. However literature guides present and future. Bhanubhakta, by translating Ramayana to Nepali language, not only contributed the extension of Nepali language but also united Nepalese people emotionally.

Hirdaya Chandra Singh Pradhan spreaded the message of improvement of the country and superstitious society. Lekh Nath Paudyal made aware the society to build its character. Great Poet Devkota leaded the country to freedom writing ” Beautiful, peaceful and great Nepal”. Balkrishna Sama enriched Nepali literature with his various drama and literatures. In one of great epic Chiso chulho (Cold stove), Sama spreads message of equity by showing the love of Sante Damai (lower caste) with Gauri of upper caste. Bhimnidhi Tiwari exposed the opportunistic characters and wrote that here (in our society) dogs are also worshipped. Similarly Dharanidhar Koirala made aware to Nepalese society. He says “Oh Nepal! Will I die seeing your smiling face or not”. In particular, he did his best for social betterment. Siddhicharan Shrestha uplifted national freedom and patriotism. Gopal Pande tried to change literature to pure creation. Similarly, laureates Lain Singh Bangdel, Surya Bikram Gyewali, Bhawani Bhikshu, Parasmani Pradhan and others contributed for increment of prestige of Nepal.

I never forget the great poet and dramatist Balkrishna Sama. I had been frequently meeting him since 1968 till he passed away. I visited him every Saturday. Still I remember as I missed the time, the honorable poet would search me. He used to ask me the reason of my absence. I have gone through all of his poems alluded in his drama’s book with doing acting. The poet also stressed anything necessary with the color of acting. The reader who goes through ‘Chiso Chulo‘ (Cold stove) and ‘Niyamit Akasmita‘ (Regular Casualties) knows the essence of life. He has written so many books as ‘Amar Sinha‘, Mutuko Byetha‘, ‘Mukunda Indira‘- having mission, vision and goals.

Many laureates and artists praise Balkrishna Sama for his great contributions. Here are few words quoted by artist Gehendraman Amatya. “Sama was colonial Nepalese army. He resigned from his post and served Nepalese literature. He joined the opposition group against Rana regime. He established himself as a successful laureate, dramatist and artist and became immortal figure. He created an art just observing the funeral at Aryaghat, Pashupati. He was called Shakespeare of Nepal. Sama hated foreign goods and loved native ones. After the revolution of 1950, he became Director of Extension Department. Later on, he also became first chief editor of Gorkhapatra (the first Nepali national daily newspaper).” One of his poems has left a profound impression in my life. The content of the poem was-‘ If the immortals descended from the heaven lying to the people, they will be down trodden for ever.’ Sama was born in February 10, 1903 (24 Magh, 1959 BS). He was very talented and great nationalist. Sama was nominated- the Vice chancellor of Academy and the member of the Royal council (Raj Shabha).

Though I could not meet the great poet Laxmi Prasad Devkota, I had read him and was aware of his precious thinking and marvelous poetic characters. Devkota was a stanch democrat. He was born in 13 Nov, 1909 (1966 Kartik 27) on Laxmi Puja. He has written so many books to uphold democratic norms & values. He was a poet of nature having the great quality of patriotism. It will be a great achievement of reading Devkota’s Muna-Madan and Laxmi Essay Collections. The epic ‘Sulochana‘ leaves one deep impressing line as- ‘I am the king of the house though it is cottage.’

Nepalese literature has been blessed with the genius of romantic trends introduced with the rise of Devkota. His quest advocated human values, virtues and civility in nature. Devkota & Sama both are follower of Vedic period as well as western philosophy. Devkota was an extempore poet and Sama was a therapist. The topmost playwright, Balkrishna Sama, gave a new impetus to the Kalidas period of Sanskrit, being inspired by the Greek dramatist Homar and English scholor-poet Shskespeare. The poet Bhimnidhi Tiwari also made a great contribution in plays-writing.

In 1937 Nepali Bhasha Anubad Parisad (Nepali Language Translation Council) was established under the chairmanship of Balakrishna Sama and poets Laxmi Prasad Devkota, Madav Ghemire, Badarinath Bhattarai, Purna Prasad Brahman and Shyamdas Vaishnav were involved in the council. Devkota had a multi-dimensional personality. His activities were not limited only as poet, but he contributed in various fields. In 1957, Devkota became the minister under premiership of Dr. K.I. Sigh and played a vital role in searching appropriate land at Kirtipur for Tribhuwan University. After the restoration of democracy of 1950 we never forget poet-laureate – Lekhnath Paudyal, the great poet Laxmi Prasad Devkota, dramatist Balakrishna Sama, the poet of era Siddhicharan Shrestha, Gopal Pande Asim, Bhupi Shercan. Those poets were of infallible character, never sold their soul, were ever free, spoke the voice of their conscience and never breached the nation. We, Nepalese people want such independent creators to born in today’s Nepal.

Some so called donors, with the help of black money, have established Literary Prize Funds. They are polluting the field of literature and society. Now-a-days it seems the field of literature is captured by such opportunistic pollutants. We want such nasty things would not repeat now and then. The literature shouldn’t be interfered by political dirtiness because it creates free opinion and innovative ideas. Therefore laureates are accepted as creators and forecasters of societal reform.

The  writer can be reached at email: dirgharajprasai@gmail.com

1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship

The Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1950 is a bilateral treaty between Nepal and India establishing a close strategic relationship between the two South Asian neighbors. The treaty was signed on July 31, 1950 by the then-Prime Minister of Nepal Mohan Shamsher Jang Bahadur Rana and Indian ambassador to Nepal, Chandreshwar Prasad Narain Singh. The treaty allows for the free movement of people and goods between the two nations and a close relationship and collaboration on matters of defence and foreign affairs. While India values the treaty as deflecting the influence of its regional competitor, the People’s Republic of China, the treaty has been unpopular in many segments of Nepal, which often regards it as a breach of its sovereignty.

Background

The Himalayan federal republic of Nepal borders northern India in the south and east. During British rule in India, Nepal’s ties were governed by the 1825 Treaty of Sugauli.After the independence of India in 1947, the two nations sought to forge close strategic, commercial and cultural relations. The rise of Communist China in 1949 and the subsequent invasion of Tibet heightened security concerns in both India and Nepal— while India had maintained good relations with Tibet and was faced with border issues with China, Nepal feared that China would support the Communist Party of Nepal and sponsor a communist revolution overthrowing the state.With heightening concerns over the security threat to India presented by Communist China, which was seen as seeking to projecting power and influence over Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan and border disputes with India, the latter sought to strengthen its “Himalayan frontier” by forging an alliance on defence and foreign affairs with Nepal.

Provisions

The Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship provided for an open border between the two nations, permitting free and unrestricted travel of people and goods and allowing the immigration of Indians to Nepal and of Nepalese people to India, granting equal rights to them.Both nations agreed to respect each others territorial integrity and independence.The treaty also facilitated extensive cooperation on strategic issues, with both nations required to consult each other on affairs of regional security; while India was obligated to actively assist Nepal in national defence and military preparedness, and both nations resolved not to tolerate threats to each others security.

Deterioration of bilateral relations

Although initially support enthusiastically by both sides, the treaty became the subject of increased resentment in Nepal, which saw it as an encroachment of its sovereignty and an unwelcome extension of Indian influence.After an abortive attempt in 1952 of the Communist Party of Nepal to seize power with Chinese backing, India and Nepal stepped up military and intelligence cooperation under treaty provisions, and India sent a military mission to Nepal, which was however regarded as an undue extension of Indian influence in Nepal. In the late 1950s and 1960s, Nepal and China forged better relations, while relations with India deteriorated as Nepal forced the Indian military mission to leave and both nations began ignoring the treaty provisions.While temporarily brought closer after the Sino-Indian War in 1962 and the occupation of Aksai Chin by Chinese forces, Nepal resented the growth of India’s regional power in the 1970s. It also protested when Sikkim joined the Indian Union in 1975.The extensive Indian trade and economic influence was also resented in Nepal.Nepal began openly lobbying for renegotiation of the treaty and proposed itself as a “zone of peace” between India and China, effectively distancing itself from India.

Proposed scrapping

Upon forming a coalition government after the 2008 Nepalese Constituent Assembly election, the leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) Prachanda said on April 24, 2008 that the 1950 treaty would be scrapped and a new pact would be negotiated with India, which also signalled its willingness to review the treaty.

1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship

Turmoil In Nepal: Interpretation Of ‘People’s Democracy’ Of Prachanda

By: Vidya Bhushan Rawat

Nepal is facing the biggest crisis after the formation of new democracy. Prime Minister Prachanda has resigned after his government was reduced to a minority as partner UML party which has 108 members in the Parliament withdrew its support on the issue of sacking of the Chief of Nepal army General Katwal. The Maoist blamed him for being pro Indian and resisting the inclusion of their 19000 cadres which fought against the military. General Katwal and many other political parties felt that these political cadres of the Maoists will be a grave threat and the army would then be indoctrinated. Ofcourse, it is a fact the same army was under the royalty and was considered to be an obedient supporter of the erstwhile royalty.

The Maoists are in the street. Prachanda seems to have gone back to where he belonged to, which is guerilla warfare. The Nepalese political system, which was held to ransom by an autocratic monarch, is now sandwiched between the forces of democracy and those who use democracy to hijack it.

One needs not to be an analyst to see why Prime Minister Prachanda resigned so fast. Nepal’s people are completely disappointed with the current lot of politicians and the Maoists raised hopes for them but current problems that cropped in Nepal, could not really provide them with innovative ideas or radical ideas. The economic disparities remain the same. The long lines for petrol and diesels could always be seen at the petrol pumps. The economy was in doldrums. The former gorillas were now power centre with gunmen surrounding them and distancing them from the people.

But now the historical moment of democratizing the Nepalese society seems to be slipping out of Nepal’s hand. Prachanda and his comrades seem to fuel anti Indian sentiments to further their own agenda which has never been democratic. It is strange that the forces of change, as they claim, are afraid of democratic dissent. It is the irony of democracy that it becomes victim of anti democratic forces who use democracy for their vicious agenda. We have in India, all the anti democratic forces, riding on the wave of democracy to further their casteist and hate agenda.

However, Nepal looked an exception. Nearly 10 years war of the Maoists against the Monarch, whose stories were well established in the political circle, whose anarchist son would rampage at any place to fulfill his whims and fancies, the people of this kingdom, joined hand and revolted against the age old monarchy. To the credit of the Maoists, they forced the dictatorship of the monarchy out. Had they been not there, I would bet, the Nepalese congress and other political parties did not have the courage to tell the King to leave the Narayanhiti place, which is now a national Museum.

In August, after Prachanda assumed the charge of the nation, a lot of things were expected. Prime Minister took oath in a different way; of course, his red tilak was always there. His deputy Babu Ram Bhattarai have been more argumentative on the issue of breaking the ‘feudal’ structure of Nepal. The prime minister actually in a recent international conference organized by International Land Coalition and government of Nepal argued for a scientific land reform. All his ministers have been talking about it. For us it was a difficult preposition but then Bhattarai said that many of the old mindset in Nepal still resists their original ‘revolutionary’ land reform and hence they undertook a middle path and said it will be ‘scientific’ land reform.

Both Prachanda and Babu Ram Bhattarai, may not be ignorant to the blatant casteist society in Nepal. It flourished during the regime of the king who considered himself as the incarnation of Lord Vishnu. Unfortunately, the ‘revolutionaries’ in Nepal keep a conspicuous silence on it. After hearing them so many times, none of them ever use the word ‘ Dalits’ or ethnic minorities to describe about oppression and exploitation. Why is the current regime of Nepal living in a continuous mode of denial, and does not say a single word against the atrocious caste system of Nepal? Fighting war against feudalism is welcome but the caste oppression in Nepal is not just feudalism. It exists even among the poor. So a poor Brahmin is not equal to poor Dalit as being projected by the Maoists. A visit to many of these areas of Nepal suggest how the Dalit still face boycott and tyranny of the upper castes in the villages, schools still have the same structure, water is not available to Dalits, job reservation is not meant for them and hence if Prachanda and his company talks of ‘scientific land reform’, one sincerely hope, it wont be the rigged ‘reforms’ as the CPM has done in West Bengal, which never reached the Dalits. Contrary to this, these progressive left actually turned oppressor against the Dalits as their ‘perceived’ notion that ‘caste’ does not exist simply because they do not believe in it. In the name of looking ‘progressive’ by using ‘internationally’ ‘acceptable’ terms of class, feudalism etc, the Maoists seem to be defending a status quo in Nepal which subjugated people for centuries. The Dalits in Nepal are looking for a change, a democratic one which gives them opportunity to develop. A mere manufactured consent of Dalit yes to their ‘initiative’ will not suffice.

Having tracked down their issues, I am amazed that none of them ever raised the issue of how the ‘cult of Kumari’ which is nothing but a ‘celebration’ of virginity and patriarchical feudal values are still allowed and none of the revolutionaries are seen speaking against the same. Similarly, a majority of the landless labours, share croppers in Nepal are Dalits. What stops the Maoists to speak openly on the issue and develop Dalit leadership and not just show pieces who do not raise the issue of caste discrimination and continue to ‘fight’ against ‘feudalism’ or simply ‘samantshahi’.

Now, the situation in Nepal is alarmingly changing. More and more anti India rhetoric are on the air. One can understand that New Delhi actually messed up things in such a way that average Nepali feel that India does not respect them as an independent nation but simply as another state of India. It is ironical that all the democratic movements in Nepal never had an Indian support. May be because of the government of India’s policy of not offending a neighboring power, the Maoists propaganda worked that India is not interested in strengthening the democratic system there. But at the end of the day democracy has to come through our own struggle and interference from an external power would not work.

Immediately assuming the power, Prachanda went to China. The government of Nepal wants a similar treaty with China as it has with India. While every country is free to make its choices, one is sure that Prachanda and his friend know that culturally India and Nepal are closer and any thing on part of the Maoists to go against that would not work in Nepal.

When the Nepal fought against tyranny of the king, it was people’s desire to be free from the shackles of monarch and dictators. The Maoists played a lead role in getting rid of the oligarchs who destroyed Nepal. But then democracy throws strange results. It brings to the forefront those forces, who do not have faith in democracy. The fifty years of Indian democracy has the similar experience when the feudal forces got legitimized through democratic set up. In Nepal, Prachanda and his associates harped much on the Chinese vision and blamed India for every evil.

One has to understand why the Maoist government was keen to establish itself beyond India. The fascination comes from various aspects. One, Chinese brand of people’s democracy has no faith in dissent and the Maoists actually failed during the past few months. Their working pattern was no less than feudalistic like our own monarchs who pretend to represent the poor. Secondly, Prachanda’s own son has no good record than Paras, the autocratic son of former king. The expectations that the Maoists raised to its cadre actually were fast receding and therefore they needed the rhetoric.

One needs to ask the question to the Maoists and all those sympathizers. How can they include their cadre into the army of a country? Is Nepal a moist country? As an ideology, one should not afraid of it, but as a nation Maoists and Nepal can not be used in interchangeable term. Nepal as a nation is much bigger than Prachanda and his Maoist army. Nepal paid a price of the submissive royal devotees as army chief. Now if the royal Nepalese army is being replaced by the one loyal to Prachanda, then one can for sure understand that Maoist war against the Monarchy was not on pure ideals of democracy but to thrust their way of dictatorship on a nation which is asking for more democratic liberal values.

Country’s armed forces, educational institutions, judiciary and media need to be free from these ideological biases. If Nepal has to develop then they can not have a democracy hijacked by those who do not believe in it and want to use it for their own nefarious purposes. Nepal’s tryst with destiny is to open itself to its diverse population, ethnic minorities and destroy the age old feudal structure led by the priestly class amply supported by the King. Unless that priestly class is attacked, the slogans of ‘revolution’ will remain the biggest humbug. Unfortunately, the Maoist government was not bothered to use this terminology. May be because they feared the issue of representation of the Dalits with in the party and government will always be raised.

Democracy may have many flawed. We witness it in India but democracy at the end is a level playing field. Whether we like it or not, Lalu, Ramvilas, Maywati, Narendra Modi and Prakash Karath are the reality of the day in India. Such things are not that easy in Nepal. The Dalits with in the communist set up are afraid to speak up against the brahmanical leadership of the political structure there in Nepal. One can understand the difficulties of the leadership in speaking plainly against the caste structure as a majority of them hails from one particular community and the top brass of the Communist Party of Nepal are particularly Brahmins. Ofcourse, there are a few showpieces as Dalit ministers very much like what used to be in India with mainstream parties in the past. The Maoists know it well that it is important to use this symbol of Dalit empowerment through individual ministers who fail to impress with their work.

It is important that Nepal find a way out. The Nepalese society is democratizing itself. It needs more diversity and the Maoists will never allow that diversity to function. No doubt the political parties have their problems and corruptions but the danger to Nepal may not come from corruption that much as from the centralization of forces and corruption of ideology. In the name of revolution, you can not confine people to a particular perception. Ideologies have to be fought with ideology. Nepal’s tryst lies with a vibrant democracy. For Indians who have always thought Nepal as their own part, it is better to lay off but definitely, the cultural ties between the two countries are so strong that the political leadership can not keep away from it. If the Maoists are really interested in a vibrant democracy then they will have to use their ‘indoctrinated’ cadre for political purposes rather than forcing them to join the army. For Nepal, the biggest danger is between different kinds of indoctrinated soldiers. Democracy gives ample space to every one to survive and opportunity to negotiate. One hope that the Prachanda led party will not put Nepal into turmoil again. The earlier one, they had pretence of a monarch but now every one has its say. Fighting against each other will only ruin Nepal. Time for all those who believe in democracy to come together and find a solution. Nepal can not afford another round of instability and killing of the innocent people. Again the monarchy is gone but the monarch is still witnessing. The Hindutva’s champions are sitting there and if the democratic polity fails in Nepal, the forces of patriarchy and monarchy will come through democratic mandate. Prachanda should visualize this and show more maturity and negotiating skills rather than mobilizing his rabble rousers in the street.

History of Darjeeling

a-group-of-lepcha-shingle-cutters-at-Darjeeling

History of Darjeeling

The origin of the name “Darjeeling” is most likely from the Tibetan words ‘Dorje’ which means ‘thunderbolt’ and ‘Ling’ which means place or land. Quite literally, it is the ‘Land of the Thunderbolt’. Originally, this was the name given to a Buddhist monastery atop the Observatory Hill which over time became the name of the whole surrounding area.

Early History of Darjeeling

Darjeeling Bazaar-1916

An old bamboo bridge over Rangeet River

Historically, Darjeeling was part of Sikkim and the Kingdom of Sikkim extended as far as eastern Nepal. However, the late 1700s saw a barrage of attacks from Nepal resulting in Darjeeling becoming a part of Nepal. This changed in 1814 when the British East India Company declared war with Nepal due to border disputes. The victorious British forced the Nepalese to cede 4,000 square miles (10,000 km²) of territory through a treaty signed at Segouli at the end of 1816. The Rajah (King) of Sikkim was reinstated making Sikkim (including Darjeeling) a buffer state between Nepal and Bhutan.

Ten years after the treaty, fresh dispute broke out and the Governor General William Bentick sent two officers – Captain Lloyd and Mr. J.W. Grant, Commercial Resident of Malda to restore normalcy. The two officers found Darjeeling to be a suitable to establish a “sanitarium” (a type of health resort) and the strategic location of Darjeeling as a gateway to Nepal and Bhutan was an added bonus.

Lease of Darjeeling from Sikkim

Mr. J.W. Grant along with the Deputy Surveyor General, Captain Herbert were sent to survey the area. The British East India Company approved the project and General Lloyd was given the responsibility to negotiate a lease of the area from the Chogyal of Sikkim. The lease was granted on 1 February, 1835.

The deed that was executed on 1 February, 1835 read:

The Governor-General having expressed his desire for the possession of the hill of Darjeeling on account of its cool climate… I, the said, Sikkimputtee Rajah, out of friendship for the said Governor-General, hereby present Darjeeling to the East India Company, that is, all the land south of the great Ranjeet river, east of the Balsum, Kahail and little Ranjeet rivers and west of the Rungpo and Mahanadi rivers.

In 1841 the government granted the Rajah an allowance of Rs. 3,000 as compensation and raised the grant to Rs. 6,000 in 1846.

Darjeeling before the Annexation by British Indian Empire

In 1835, Dr. Arthur Campbell was put in-charge to establish the sanitarium and develop the area. Darjeeling started out around the Observatory Hill area with a population of about 100. Dr Campbell became the first Superintendent of the sanitarium in 1839 and was responsible for the civil administration of the town plus managing political relations with Sikkim. Construction of the road linking Darjeeling with the plains also started in 1839.
In 1841, the cultivation of tea was introduced by Dr Campbell near his residence at Beechwood, Darjeeling. The experiment was a success leading to the establishment of several commercial tea estates.

By 1849, Darjeeling was prospering and the population of Darjeeling had reached 10,000.

Annexation of Darjeeling into the British Indian Empire

Darjeeling1942

The progress and prosperity of Darjeeling including the diaspora of migrant workers from Sikkim to Darjeeling incurred the wrath and jealousy of the Rajah of Sikkim. The relations worsened in 1849 when Sikkim imprisoned Dr. Campbell and the famous explorer Sir Joseph Dalton Hooker during a tour of Sikkim prompting the British East India Company to send in their troops. However, the imprisoned officers of the British East India Company were freed without any bloodshed.

In February 1850, the annual grant of Rs. 6000 to the Maharaja of Sikkim was withdrawn resulting in the annexation of Darjeeling and a great portion of Sikkim to British India. Sikkim retaliated with a series of attacks on the British territories culminating in the capture of Tumlong (the capital of Sikkim at that time) in 1861. A new treaty was signed which forced the ruler of Sikkim to open up trade and remove all restrictions on merchants and travelers.

Further victories for the British saw the annexation of Dooars and Kalimpong in 1864 and Kurseong in 1891.

Brief History of the Tea Industry in Darjeeling

An old picture of tea plucking in Darjeeling

What began as an experiment in 1841, the cultivation of tea became a full-fledged industry. By 1865, there were already 40 tea gardens covering 10,000 acres. This boom brought in immigrants, mainly from Nepal, to work in construction and tea gardens. Today there are around 86 tea gardens or estates fueling a multi-million dollar industry.

Development of Darjeeling under the British Empire

lloyd-bazar-1890

Dell Corner-1900

Goods train at Jorebungalow 1900s

After the Darjeeling Municipality was set up in 1850, the tea industry boomed and there was an influx of immigrants. This also brought in the Scottish missionaries who undertook the construction of schools and welfare centers like Loreto Convent in 1847, St. Paul’s School in 1864, Planters’ Club in 1868, Lloyd’s Botanical Garden in 1878, St. Joseph’s School in 1888, Railway Station in 1891, Town Hall (present Municipality Building) in 1921.

Another major development was the inauguration of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway in 1881 facilitating the link between Darjeeling and the plains.

History of Darjeeling as a Tourist Destination

A world Heritage The Toy Train

The British visited Darjeeling every summer prompting well-to-do Indian residents of Kolkata (then Calcutta), affluent Maharajas of princely states, land-owning zamindars and barristers of Calcutta High Court to follow suit. The town continued to grow as a tourist destination and is now known all over the world as the “Queen of the Hills.”

History of Darjeeling post Independence of India

Present Day Darjeeling

The independence of India in 1947 saw Darjeeling being merged with the state of West Bengal. A separate district of Darjeeling was established consisting of the hilly towns of Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong and some parts of the plains including Siliguri.

The demographic changed substantially when the People’s Republic of China annexed Tibet in 1950 and thousands of Tibetan refugees settled across Darjeeling district.

The population rose dramatically especially from the 1970s peaking to about 45% growth in the 1990s far above the national, state, and district average of India. The colonial town of Darjeeling was not designed to accommodate such an exponential growth in population. This coupled with the rise in the number of tourists has effected the ecological balance negatively.

The 1980s saw a bloody agitation demanding a separate state of Gorkhaland by the Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF). Peace was restored with the establishment of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council or DGHC (changed to Darjeeling Gorkha Autonomous Hill Council or DGAHC). The year 2008 brought in fresh demand for Gorkhaland under Gorkha Janmukti Morcha headed by Bimal Gurung.

What difference did you find between Gorkha and Nepali?

Courtesy:- sikkim online

There are different interpretation for the definition of Gorkha and Nepali. Actually it is the two sides of the same coin. It is only because the Indians used to see us like the people living across the river Mechi, this problem was emerged.As far as I believe, there should not be any geographical boundary in respect of language and literature. It is not that the English language is meant for the English people in England only and Nepali language for the Nepali of Nepal only. The language and literature are two such things that become more rich and prosperous as it extends its sphere.If by calling Nepali reflects the citizen of Nepal then in order to distinguish us from them we have formulated the concept of calling us Gorkha. ABGL was working in this field for a long time in its own level.To segregate and safeguard our identity in India, it is better to call us Gorkha to have distinct bifurcation. That is why Mr. Subash Ghisingh might have called Gorkha. But regarding the language, I don’t agree with him. In my personal opinion it would be better to say Nepali speaking Indian Gorkhas – that will be a good solution.
The followings are may be the reason to distinguish ourselves as Nepali or Gorkha:(a) In 1946, late Damber Singh Gurung, of ABGL had said in the constituent Assembly of India that out of one crore Nepalese 30 lakh are living in India.

It happened at the time when the backward class commission of India was trying to include the Gorkha community in backward class. For which, Damber Singh Gurung was also trying his level best. But then President (now speaker) of Constituent assembly of India Mr. Acharya J.P Kripalani used such humiliating words, he said “Gorkha should fight with sword” meaning Khukuri, which was actually not a good comment.

(b) In 1948, communal riot broke out in Calcutta between Hindus and Muslims, in which 10 thousand Gorkhas / Nepali were also effected, who were from Darjeeling, and in order to compensate their losses, leaders of ABGL like Shiva Kumar Rai led a delegation to Nepal for raising funds for the settlements of riot victims.

These are the reason which made the Indian people to get confused with the citizen of across the river Mechi (Nepal) and which made us to proclaim ourselves as Gorkhas to make us secure in India.

In this regard, when there was a deep rooted suspicion in the minds of many Indians towards Gorkhas, Mr. Ari Bahadur Gurung once had to defend in Constituent Assembly by saying “we, the Gorkhas had participated in the freedom movement of India. Till now we are defending the country in the frontiers from the enemies. Gorkhas will not hesitate to shed their last drop of blood to preserve the independence that we have got. Therefore, the people of India should not be suspicious of our Identity”.

CHANGE OF LAW BY SUPREME COURT OF INDIA (with ref. to Accident)

Please inform as many people as you can.It can save so many lives

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